Navalny’s fake documentary, readied for him by his American 3-letter-agency handlers in Germany (as uncovered by German journalists) and scheduled to coincide with his staged return to Russia has been peddled uncritically in both the Western MSM and on YouTube, where it was pushed as automatic “algorithmic” continuation to any watched Russian-language video, as well as being shown as a “commercial”. This manipulation along with some other peddling netted the fake documentary somewhere around 103 million views (as of writing) with 80% of views lasting less than 10 seconds. The goal was two-fold.
To entice the teenagers to go to protests, which failed miserably – only about 50000 gatehred across the whole of Russia with its 145 million population. And half of those gathered were journalists. Children as young as 9 years of age were drawn to the street in search of something cool and exciting, in search of a party. For this stunt Navalny got a byname in Russian social media sphere of “Oppositionsführer” (that’s how he was called in the German media), while the unfortunate children that he flocks to himself are often referred to as “Navalnyjügend”. But that is just his latest crime. Scroll down to a detailed list, compiled by Alexander Rogers.
The other goal was to place the Russian authorities in an awkward position: if they arrest Navalny for floundering the law (remember that he was released from the German hospital around November, while the deadline to register with the Russian penal services for his suspended embezzlement sentence was in end of December, so he had time to do it!), then it would demonstrate to the Russian population that Navalny and his ilk are above the law, and if he is arrested, then a mighty howling would be raised about “suppressing the opposition”.
Back to the palace video. That particular place in Gelendzhik was first attributed to the-then target of Navalny’s and his handler’s slander – Pesident Medvedev. When Putin was elected President, the “ownership” suddenly became ascribed to him. In 2012 Vladimir Kozhin, the Superintendant for Presidential Affairs gave an extended interview to “Rossijskaja Gazeta”: